Four key themes emerged from the qualitative data: 1) Physical activity as a group disturbing behaviour; 2) Age-related ‘playful’ activities; 3) (In)activity anchors; 4) Activity related social contagion processes. The themes are presented in Figs. 1, 2, 3 and 4. Within these figures, the + signs relate to factors that encourage physical activity, and the – signs relate to factors that hinder physical activity. Throughout the result section, we include extracts from our observational notes to support the themes.
Theme One: Physical activity as a group-disturbing behaviour
In both observational settings increased social interaction and communication was associated with more sedentary behaviour. For many adults observed in groups across both sites, the pools represented places of rest, dominated by sitting, talking, and eating, with large groups (≥4 people) particularly characterised by sedentary behaviour, and a high level of verbal communication. In Germany and Hawai’i, we observed that the more group members talked and communicated with each other, the less physically active they were. However, it was notable in both Hawaii and Germany that not only the more a given group of adults communicated the less physically active its members were during their stay, but also the larger a group was, the more physically inactive its individual members tended to be. Physical inactivity became a specific group norm that helped to hold the group together, despite all activity opportunities the settings offered. In Hawai’i, this effect became even apparent in the spatial arrangement of the group:
Physically inactive groups tend to verbally communicate a lot. The groups position themselves almost as a united structure. On the beach: often on chairs, sitting next to each other and talking vividly. In the water: they often form closed groups, arranged in circles. They dwell in the water for hours without any discernible activity […] the mood in these groups seems to be very good and cheerful. […].
(Champagne Pond Pool)
Adults who came to the spaces by themselves were more engaged in physical activity than when they attended with their peers. For example, the researchers observed one woman, who attended the Entringen Pool over several days. When she attended the pool alone, the researchers observed that she engaged in much more physical activity, than she did when she attended with her friends. The larger the group of friends, the less active she became:
A woman (approx. late twenties, slightly overweight) and her physical activity behaviour could be observed on several days in two consecutive weeks. The following observations were thus subsequently recorded:
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(2×) on her own: 20–40 min. swimming of lanes on a moderate-high intensity [+10 min. of sunbathing]
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(3×) together with one friend (same age, female, sporty athletic): 2 × 15–20 min swimming of lanes on a moderate intensity [+ more than 30 min. of sunbathing]
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(1×) together with two friends (one friend above, the other: same age, female, overweight): 1 × 10–20 min swimming of lanes on a moderate intensity [+ very long sunbathing]
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o (2×) together with a group of five (all approx. same age, male and female): hardly any swimming, maximum of 2–4 lanes, mostly lively discussion in group, eating, and sunbathing).
(Entringen Pool)
In both Hawai’i and Germany, physical activity was more likely to be undertaken with smaller groups of individuals (≤2–3 people). Individuals who planned to be vigorously active usually came to the pool or the beach on their own or with a friend/partner in order to swim. These individuals came to the pool with the specific purpose of exercising. They rarely stayed longer than the period of exercise, often leaving immediately after the activity had finished.
Very physically active individuals are mostly alone or in groups of two. The purpose of their visit is almost always connected to physical activity – mostly vigorous. Except for a towel and snorkel utensils they do not bring anything, and they hardly stay longer than the time in which they are physically active.
(Champagne Pond Pool)
If members of a larger group wanted to be physically active they, thus, usually ‘split off’ from the group, as if they did not want to disturb the rest of the group. This held particularly true for very active individuals, even when a group started being physically active together:
A group of three elderly (two women and one man) come together to the pool and start swimming lanes (moderately). After a while the man separates from the group and swims on his own (faster).
(Entringen Pool)
In both sites, if all members of a group were physically active together, we often could identify a strong influence of unspoken group rules on the group’s behaviour. One such unspoken rule appeared to be the decreasing of physical activity as demonstrated in the following observation of a group of three women in Entringen:
Three women swim their lanes on a moderate to high intensity separately in the pool. Especially one woman swims very fast. Then one woman joins the very fast woman, they start to talk a little, and swim their lanes together. The speed decreases instantly. When the third woman joins the group, the speed becomes even slower; they even stop at the edge of the pool in order to have a lively discussion. Only when the group dissolves, and the three swim separately, the speed does pick up again.
(Entringen Pool)
In a few cases, active group members tried to integrate the physically more inactive members by adjusting their activity level to the capacity of the ‘weakest’ member. From this perspective, the spread of inactivity (or less activity) ensured that the less active members of the group were not excluded from the activity. The following example shows that less active group members function in similar cases as ‘reverse pacemakers’:
A group of three middle-aged men go to the pool. Two of them (normal-weight) start swimming lanes on a moderate level while the third (overweight) stays passively at the edge of the pool. After two lanes the two swimmers come back to their friend and stay with him at the pool’s edge.
[They leave pool and come back later for a second swim]
This time they all swim a couple of lanes together, but in a considerably slower pace than before, adjusting their speed to the slowest. When the slow swimmer leaves the group and the pool, the two remaining pick up their ‘normal’ speed again.
(Entringen Pool)
We also could observe ritualistic customs associated with certain group behaviours:
Many groups set up their equipment ritualistically: first, they set up their seating arrangements, chairs and sun-loungers, then usually a period of rest follows.
(Champagne Pond Pool)
Theme Two: Age-related ‘playful’ activity
In contrast to adult groups, conviviality in children and younger adolescent groups did not hinder physical activity at all. In contrast to adults, social communication and play held children’s groups together, and was the norm, even in very large groups of children:
For children and younger adolescents, the nature of conviviality is exactly the opposite as for adults. For them conviviality is almost always connected to being physically active. Conviviality is usually expressed by showing, imitating, playing together, teasing, or competing physically. Social interaction is established via physical activity and exercise.
(Champagne Pond Pool)
Interestingly, in our observed cases verbal communication was a motivating stimulus to physical activity in children. While in adults all physical activity, and especially vigorous exercise, lessened or stopped when the group members had lively discussions, verbal communication in groups of children/adolescents was an integral part of boisterous physical activity. Children and adolescents talked and even screamed notably loud while being active.
A group of three boys are playfully active (jumping, swimming) at the pool’s edge: one boy says, “You should try a somersault under water! That’s so cool under water!” After that the group further explores the medium water, “Look! How I can walk in the water!” A little while later the group is trying different jumps into the pool. Another boy loudly exclaims, “You have to try this jump!” jumps into pool, “that’s so much fun! What’s your favourite jump?” The group is physically active (on a lower intensity level) like this but for almost two hours. The group members are continually motivating themselves by similar comments during the entire activity period.
(Entringen Pool)
What one can immediately notice in this example is the intrinsically motivated and expressive nature of children when they are engaged in activity. Children expressed their enjoyment and fun attributing it directly to the activity at hand (jumping, diving, and experiencing the water). This coupling of intrinsically verbal motivation with ongoing playful activity may lead to a change in experiencing the duration in the sense that these children and adolescents simply seem to forget about the time they were spending engaging in the activity. In our example, the children’s cheering functions as a continuous activity motor and as a contagious stimulus for prolonged physical activity. Though the intensity of children’s activities were often only moderate, they were physically active notably longer than adult groups.
In contrast to children, activity stimulating verbal communication in adults was mostly referred to health or body shape and had an explicit extrinsic motivational content. Motivational statements were predominantly functional as adults often struggled to maintain long and/or playful activity periods. The following example is typical for functional physical activity periods in adults. Functional activities, like swimming lanes, are apparently not considered as something per se enjoyable but as a duty and task beneficial for one’s body and shape.
While a senior elderly woman is moderately swimming her lanes, a middle-aged woman arrives at the pool. The older woman obviously knows her, slows down and greets her thus, “So you managed to get here after all!?” The middle–aged woman stops and replies, “Yes, I was able to pull myself together in order to swim a couple of lanes.” The older woman jokingly declares while starting to swim again, “Very good, for that you get an A from me – a straight A!” Both women swam lanes for 20–30 min with a moderate intensity.
(Entringen Pool)
Except in children and young adolescents, boisterous playful activity was only observable in groups of young, mostly male adults who were active as part of partying. In these groups, casual verbal comments played a significant role to keep the activity running.
A group of young men is standing in the water (up to the hips), talking to each other and drinking beer. One of the group members suddenly caught a football and said to the others, “Come on, you lazy bones, don’t fall asleep”. The group plays for almost an hour, throwing and catching passes. The group members stimulate each other by competing playfully. Stimulating comments are for example: “You’re talent free” or “You’re as slow as a slug”. Although the comments lead to a continually increasing intensity of the game, the group members do not put away their beer bottles.
(Champagne Pond Pool)
Theme Three: (In-)activity anchors
In both Hawai’i and Germany, we could identify ‘anchors’ which either ‘hooked’ group members to a permanent position and limited both their activity radius and intensity (inactivity anchors) or ‘hooked’ them to an ongoing activity (activity anchors). There were three main (in)activity anchors. The first was the ‘domestication’ of a group’s site within the space. The second related to having predominantly obese members of a group. The third related to parents’ control of children’s behaviours.
The more a group ‘furnished’ their location at the pool with equipment such as chairs, coolers, or barbecues, the more inactive and passive its members tended to be. This was especially the case at the Champagne Pond Pool:
Many groups “domesticate and furnish” their site with pick-up trucks, tents, and barbecues. In these sites, visitors drink beer, eat, and are stuck to their chairs. Preparing food and eating is downright celebrated and has a high social function.
(Champagne Pond Pool)
In Germany, this ‘domestication’ and ‘furnishing’ was less frequent, the equipment was mostly limited to chairs and sun loungers, eating and drinking was more ‘functional’. Nonetheless, it seemed to hinder the activity of the groups significantly.
Obesity also functioned as a second inactivity anchor. Before we explain obesity as an inactivity anchor it is important to note that there was a difference in the way obese people ‘presented’ their body between the two research sites. In Hawai’i, obese people presented their body quite openly without any inhibitions, and frequented the pool at all times. However, in Germany, obese people more often hid their body with clothes and visited the pool especially in the morning or late afternoon when the pool was less crowded. Furthermore, obese people sat down in all areas at the Champagne Pond Pool, whereas they did more often sit down in the periphery at the Entringen Pool. However, despite these differences, obesity functioned in both settings as an inactivity anchor especially for obese men. Groups which incorporated male obese members were mostly physically inactive, independent of the weight of the other members.
In weight-mixed male groups, normal-weight members often imitate the activity behaviour of passive overweight members. The activity level here is very low (i.e. mostly sitting passively). This is already the case when there is only one overweight individual in the group who is very passive. This effect is even more discernible when the passive person is very obese.
(Champagne Pond Pool)
In the above described examples the minority, i.e. the passive overweight members, sat and chatted while the normal weight members did not express the desire of being physically active. Inactivity therefore ‘hooked’ the rest of the group to their position. The only exception for this phenomenon that could be observed was single young obese men in groups of predominantly very athletic, young, and active men. In these cases, the obese individuals did not have a limiting influence on the physical activity level within that group. This could be because the athletic and active groups were very committed to being active, and thus, functioned as activity anchors and ‘hooked’ the more passive minority to their activity. We observed this at both the German and Hawaiian sites. For example, the following observation showed that young men were engaged in activity with their peers if they were with a much more active male group:
Young obese men show the same level of activity as their peers if they are part of a young, very athletic, male group. Such groups are usually very active, throwing balls and doing short jumping in the water. In these cases, the young obese men play a very relevant role, particularly when the group plays cannonball landing.
(Champagne Pond Pool)
A minority of obese women in an otherwise male, normal weight group also did not have a limiting influence on the physical activity of the rest of the group. However, in contrast to the young obese men, the obese women themselves did not get ‘hooked’ by the activity of the majority. They were, therefore, only very rarely active during the activity periods of the normal weight group members. Instead, the active men simply separated from the passive, obese women. The following example illustrates this phenomenon:
Two obese women and four normal weight men are together at the beach. All of a sudden the four men simply separate from the two women and leave them behind in order to be active. The women stay back, talk, and prepare food. When the men come back, they do sit only for a while in order to eat. Yet, they quickly leave again in order to continue with their ball games.
(Champagne Pond Pool)
Obese women only had a limiting influence on the activity of connected others if they were in partnerships with normal weight men. Such couples rarely became active, and if so, the intensity of their activity was very low and did not interrupt their conversation.
Couples of obese women and normal weight men are usually inactive, taking a sunbath, talking or reading. They only rarely have a barbecue, the level of ‘domestication’ is rather low. Eating is mostly restricted to snacks, such as chips. In active periods, both partners are usually active together. The women often use tools, such as swim noodles, their normal weight partners swim beside them. As a rule, this activity is characterized by a continuously ongoing conversation.
(Champagne Pond Pool)
For obese men, however, a younger slim or normal weight female partner could function as an activity anchor. In these cases, the physical activity of the obese men generally seemed to be aimed at living up to the partner’s (supposed) expectations, like the following example illustrates:
A couple of young pensioners is swimming lanes. The husband (very overweight) takes a break at the edge of the pool and explains to another pool visitor: “40 lanes – ah yes – you know in order to stay in shape. But my wife does only 20.” He adds laughingly: “but she doesn’t need to!” (The wife seems younger and is significantly slimmer than her husband).
(Entringen Pool)
A third social anchoring mechanism was observed in sitting parents who came to the pool with their children.
Mothers are often sitting in groups together on the sunbathing lawn while the children play and romp around them. These mothers often focus on their conversation which seems to have an ‘inhibitory effect’ on the children’s activity. During the stay, the playing children come back to ‘the anchor’ at regular intervals as if they would like to attract their mother’s attention in order to ensure they have not forgotten them. In their activity breaks, the children sit down beside their mothers while the mothers usually continue with their conversation.
(Entringen Pool)
Moreover, parents and adults who accompanied their children to the child specific pool alone also had an activity hindering effect on their children if they were not active themselves.
Parents who accompany their children to the pool alone, usually simply sit down at the pool’s edge on a bench, passively observing. This quite often has the effect that the children’s radius of movement is highly limited to the proximity of the sitting parents.
(Entringen Pool)
In the first case the parental activity hindering effect seems to be caused by the lack of the received attention which limits the children’s activity. In stark contrast to this lack of parental attention, the limitation of activity in the second case seems to be rather caused by overprotection instead. Nonetheless, in both cases the children orientate their behaviour towards their parent(s), who have a significant anchoring influence on the children’s activity level and radius.
Theme Four: Activity related social contagion processes
Physical activity can spread from one group to another without any apparent verbal communication or other conscious motivational stimuli. This was frequently observed both at the Entringen Pool and at the Champagne Pond Pool:
Although there are many children present at the pond today, there is only very little physical activity to be recorded. The children are playing quietly at the water or sitting besides adults, playing individual games. This state goes on for quite a while. Suddenly one group of children starts playing tag games in the water. The activity is very loud and boisterous. The other children stop playing their individual games and watch the first group very interestedly. A short time later a second group follows the first group and plays tag games themselves. After a short while a major part of the children are active simultaneously. This goes on until one group stops and goes back to the beach. Now the reverse effect seems to happen. Group after group stops their activity until there is almost no children activity in the water anymore.
(Champagne Pond Pool)
In this recorded example, the first group of children acts as the stimulus for the imitative actions of the other groups (recipients). Physical activity, here in the form of tag games, appears to spread between the groups. A very similar effect was observed and recorded on multiple occasions by the data-collectors at the Entringen Pool in Germany, only with the slight difference that it was a leisurely swim or going to the pool and cooling off that spread between groups. Therefore, the pool was sometimes empty for a longer period of time and then all of a sudden very crowded. Social contagious effects could also be caused by an ‘in-/out-group-effect’ i.e. that groups dissociate from each other based on certain criteria. At the Entringen Pool in Germany, for example, it became apparent that visitors sat down in certain areas of the sun-bathing lawn according to their age. We could identify an area for adolescents, one for young adults, and a third one for middle-aged adults, elderly, and families. We named these areas ‘age-fields’. Interestingly, it appears that most visitors automatically ‘cluster together’ in the ‘right’ age field. In other words, most visitor groups seem to accept this implicit social age-differentiation rule, and orientate themselves towards their peers.
