A review of the results from different streams of studies are presented according to the key themes identified above. The details can be found in the respective individual studies.
Community characteristics: the Korail slum
The Korail slum is one of the biggest slums in metropolitan Dhaka with a population of about 100,000 spread over 586 acre of government land . It is shaped like a peninsula, surrounded by lakes on three sides. The early inhabitants came mainly from the nearby Comilla district, followed by people from other districts. The main reasons behind migration into the slum were poverty arising out of river erosion, flood, lack of land and employment opportunities, etc. People coming from different districts tend to live together in clusters in an attempt to preserve their dialect and culture. However, this results in poor development of social cohesion and support network. The slum population is highly unstable, in- and out-migration in the slums is a continuous phenomenon, and the constant threat of eviction is part of slum life.
The slum has no legal electricity, water and sanitation facilities. There is no public education or health facilities in the slum - various NGOs provide these services. There are around 14 NGOs running 31 schools, 16 NGOs providing micro-credit loans, and 10 NGOs delivering primary health care (PHC) services. Besides, three NGOs are working to improve the environmental situation of the slum. Economic activities are centred around several bazaars (jamaibazar, boubazar etc.) scattered in different places of the slum. Majority of the dwellers earn their livelihood by wage-labour in garments and construction industries, and various self-employment activities such as pulling rickshaw, or ferrying people in boats.
Influential people in the slum relevant to MNCH care 
The study tried to identify key influential people in the slum who have had a stake in the MNCH related care (n = 189) through 17 listing exercises. Though these influential people were involved with different social groups and organizations, their connection with political parties primarily enabled them to exert influence on the slum dwellers. A number of FGDs and in-depth interviews were conducted from a sample of these people to assess their awareness on MNCH issues. Findings reveal that they were quite knowledgeable about the common problems during pregnancy, labour and post-partum period, and about the problems of neonates and children. According to these people, they could contribute to MANOSHI activities by raising awareness of the community on MNCH care issues, advising to access care from relevant facilities, and helping with mobilization of the community for money and transport when there is an emergency.
Social networks in the slum relevant to MNCH care [Alam et al. 2007, unpublished data]
A network analysis using UCINET software was done to identify different social networks (e.g., economic, health, education) operating in the slum. Findings reveal that slum dwellers have had strongest support network for social and economic problems but not as effective networks for health-related problems. In general, people sought advice from their relatives first, if they had anyone living in the slum or nearby locations. Among different types of problems, relatives played a major role when there was an economic hardship or disaster (25%) compared to 7% for health-related problems, 8% for delivery-related problems and 12% for social problems. Thus, researchers put more emphasis on inter-personal communication to reach slum dwellers with MANOSHI intervention messages instead of using the health-related social networks. Besides, they advised formation of women's support groups and MNCH committees for greater penetration of the community with IEC campaigns.
MNCH service providers and facilities 
The study used a variety of qualitative and quantitative research techniques including listing (of all health care providers/facilities providing MNCH services), health resource mapping, semi-structured interviews, in-depth interviews, and informal group discussion with targeted respondents. The study identified seven categories of providers who were involved in providing MNCH services in the study slum: qualified allopathic doctors (MBBS) in the private sector, paramedics, unqualified allopathic practitioners (village doctors and drug shop attendants), homeopaths, community health workers of NGOs, traditional birth attendants (TBA)/dais and faith healers (e.g. huzur, bhandari). These providers played important role in providing pregnancy-related services including services for neonatal and childhood illnesses. Though village doctors, homeopaths and faith-healers did not conduct delivery directly, they were sometimes called on by the TBAs to quicken labour by the harmful practice of injecting Oxytocin intravenously. Shopping around these providers also delayed referral to appropriate health facilities when complications arose. Other factors for delayed referral included financial constraints, problems with arranging transport, and supposed misbehaviour of the doctors/nurses in the hospitals/clinics. The providers were also interviewed for their current practices related to MNCH care.
The slum had only three EPI centres in the public sector and no private clinics. Most of the health facilities were run by various NGOs on an out-patient basis. However, there were quite a number of tertiary level facilities near the slum from where people access MNCH care. Trained doctors and midwives were available in large numbers in the public sector facilities. Barriers to access EmOC services from the referral facilities included financial incapacity, distance to facility and transport costs, behavior of the doctors and nurses, and gender norms, etc.
Perception about pregnancy, delivery [Sharmin and Alam 2007, unpublished data]
Participatory methods such as free-listing, pile sorting and in-depth interview were done among a group of slum men and women to explore their perception about pregnancy and delivery. Findings reveal that men and women had different perspectives. While men were more concerned about the financial implications especially if complications arise, women were more concerned about the uncertainty of the birthing process and were afraid of losing their lives if they need to be hospitalized. Both men and women perceived delivery taking place at home as normal, irrespective of the duration of labour. Women were found to have no clear idea about the delivery process until they experienced it themselves. Similarly, men's knowledge on the process of delivery was poor unless they had to deal with any complication.
Maternal and neonatal care practices 
Current practices related to maternal and neonatal care were elicited by in-depth interviews of the mothers with recent pregnancy outcome, and supplemented by observations of relevant events when feasible. It was found that pregnant women usually did not take any preparation for birth beforehand. They used to consider every pregnancy normal until complications arose. They did not perceive any need for antenatal care other than confirmation of pregnancy and reassurance about the condition of the foetus, especially if they have had a previous normal pregnancy. They would rely on TBAs and family members during pregnancy and labour and did not perceive any need for skilled birth attendant for normal delivery. Women used to share the information with others (beyond immediate family members) only when labour pain begins or when pain becomes unbearable. This is because there was a widespread belief that the more people heard about the impending delivery pain, the more would be delay in delivery, resulting in prolonged and difficult labour for the mother.
Women generally use to remain very active throughout their pregnancies. Observations during fieldwork found that pregnant women were busy with household chores such as cooking, cleaning, washing clothes, etc. as usual in a normal time. According to the women, until the first labour pain begins, they continued to do all household chores as usual. Food restrictions and food taboos were widely prevalent at different stages of pregnancy and labour. They strongly believed in supernatural world and maintained certain restrictions to avoid 'alga batas' (bad air) including food restrictions.
According to them, the woman and newborn were perceived as impure (napak) from the blood and other fluids present at delivery and were bathed immediately to purify, and the vernix was often scrubbed off. While exclusive breastfeeding was rare, the newborn received pre-lacteal feeding such as honey, sugar water, etc. Mothers widely knew about colostrums and its benefits for the newborn babies, but this knowledge was not translated properly into practice. Applying substances such as mustard oil, coconut oil, boric or talcum powder, or earth from a clay oven, on the umbilical stump to facilitate rapid drying was common. Since contact with health care providers was limited (unless there was an emergency situation), family members and neighbours including landladies usually had much more influence over maternal and newborn lives.
The 'birthing huts' of MANOSHI 
A two-part study was conducted on the newly launched birthing hut facilities in the slum areas of MANOSHI programme which also included the Korail slum. Conducted during the early inception phase of the programme, the first part attempted to capture the initial perceptions and expectations of the slum community regarding the birthing hut. Qualitative methods such as observation, in-depth interview, etc. were used. Findings reveal that the community was not sufficiently aware about the facilities and services available, and at what cost (initially the project charged nominal price for the services which was later waived). Women and family members expected 'one-stop' services for pregnancy and delivery including care for the children by qualified allopathic doctors. They were not comfortable with the idea of referral when complications arose because it was costly, and also the referral facilities were not responsive. However, those who have had accessed services at birthing hut had a mixed feeling; sometimes women did not like birthing hut because no injection (Inj. Oxytocin) was given. Initially, the CHW had grievances about remuneration and high dropout was a problem.
The second part of the study was done six months after its inception when the birthing huts were well functioning with trained staff and all amenities. By this time, the birthing huts were well embedded in the community as a safe and convenient place of delivery, especially for the poorest households. There were some gaps in information dissemination about the content and costs of the services from the birthing huts. Recipient of services were found to be quite satisfied, but demanded full-time presence of a medical doctor, steady flow of medicines, and intravenous administration of oxytocin by the birth attendants. The authors concluded by emphasizing the importance of IEC campaigns to prevent the informal providers from harmful practices.