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Table 3 Examples of two policy documents with limited, and more extensive use of research evidence to support interventions

From: "We're not short of people telling us what the problems are. We're short of people telling us what to do": An appraisal of public policy and mental health

1. Voluntary issues: The Scottish compact

This document was an update of an earlier (1989) Scottish Compact document, which discussed issues such as protection of vulnerable youngsters, ending poverty and discrimination, and creating strong safe communities. While these aims, if achieved, would no doubt improve mental health and well-being, the document is largely written at an aspirational level, with little detail on specific interventions and how they may be implemented. In general terms, the descriptions of the importance of particular values – pluralism, diversity, and the rights of minorities – were consistent with the National Programme, but there was not enough detail to code or analyse this information. It was not possible therefore to identify or code examples of 'alignment' with the aims of the National Programme, simply because the document was written as a high-level policy document.

2. Culture, arts and sport: Let's make Scotland more active

This document was quite unusual in two respects: firstly, it used and cited examples of research evidence to make the case about the prevalence of mental ill-health; and, second, it also commented on the strength of that evidence. For example, the links between physical activity and academic achievement were described, but then acknowledged to be "not solid". The document also referred to the need to collect information on the costs and benefits of interventions. While specific details of interventions are often lacking (as is generally the case in policy literature), these examples suggest that the document is broadly concerned with the evidence base underpinning physical activity promotion and, in some cases, the mental health benefits which may result from this. There are also a few examples which address the mental health/well-being agenda. For example, while most of the risks of inactivity described in the document are in the physical domain, (such as obesity), physical inactivity is also linked explicitly to poor self-esteem, anxiety, and stress, as well as substance abuse and addictions. Although the direction of causality is unclear, the explicit linking of mental health with physical activity, and elsewhere the commitment to give equal value to social and emotional outcomes as well as physical health benefits, does suggest 'alignment', and an explicit acknowledgement of the underlying evidence.